{"id":6966,"date":"2019-07-24T23:26:17","date_gmt":"2019-07-24T21:26:17","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/?p=6966"},"modified":"2021-05-25T15:53:56","modified_gmt":"2021-05-25T13:53:56","slug":"clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/","title":{"rendered":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux"},"content":{"rendered":"[vc_row padding=\u00a0\u00bb0&Prime;][vc_column width=\u00a0\u00bb1\/2&Prime;][vc_column_text]<em>Par Tour\u00e9 Maliaka Sefu<\/em><\/p>\n<p><strong>R\u00c9SUM\u00c9:<\/strong><br \/>\nCette note d\u2019analyse politique examine le poids et\/ ou la charge du clivage linguistique MUSWAHILI-MUNGALA soumis \u00e0 la g\u00e9opolitique d\u2019un peuple pourtant uni de la r\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique Congo sur l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Elle essaie en outre de v\u00e9rifier la conception de ce clivage comme un v\u00e9ritable enjeu politique \u00e0 l\u2019aune de l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique, en tentant de s\u2019asseoir sur une analyse comparative de derni\u00e8res consultations \u00e9lectorales organis\u00e9es par le gouvernement congolais et les structures \u00e9lectorales apr\u00e8s la proclamation de la troisi\u00e8me r\u00e9publique par la constitution de 2006.<br \/>\n[\/vc_column_text][vc_separator style=\u00a0\u00bbdashed\u00a0\u00bb][vc_column_text]<strong>CONTEXTE: <\/strong><br \/>\nCette note d\u2019analyse s\u2019ins\u00e8re dans un contexte g\u00e9opolitique tendu, marqu\u00e9 par des retournements de l\u2019\u00e9lectorat \u00e0 des consid\u00e9rations ethno-tribales et\/ou linguistiques dans le cadre d\u2019un vote et surtout celui pr\u00e9sidentiel. Ainsi, la repr\u00e9sentation ordinaire des \u00e9lections congolaises continue de charrier les m\u00eames pr\u00e9jug\u00e9s avec des ar\u00f4mes x\u00e9nophobes au regard de ces trois derni\u00e8res consultations \u00e9lectorales de la troisi\u00e8me r\u00e9publique. Elles sont par cons\u00e9quent ethnicis\u00e9es et redoubl\u00e9es de parfum linguistique quand elles doivent favoriser naturellement un renouvellement des \u00e9lites.<\/p>\n<p><strong>PROBLEMATIQUES:<\/strong><br \/>\n&#8211; Le clivage linguistique constitue-t-il un v\u00e9ritable enjeu de l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique ?<\/p>\n<p>&#8211; La l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 comprise comme la reconnaissance, par celui sur qui s\u2019exerce le pouvoir, du bien-fond\u00e9 de celui qui l\u2019exerce, quels peuvent \u00eatre les impacts du clivage sur la l\u00e9gitimation de l\u2019Institution \u00ab Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique \u00bb ?<\/p>\n<p><strong>IDEES MAJEURES : <\/strong><br \/>\n&#8211; Le recours \u00e0 des consid\u00e9rations linguistiques par un Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique se plonge dans l\u2019incapacit\u00e9 d\u2019assumer ses fonctions et remet ainsi en cause le contrat social qui le fonde. D\u00e8s lors, les missions de l\u2019\u00c9tat sont ex\u00e9cut\u00e9es en d\u00e9s\u00e9quilibre g\u00e9opolitique criant, ce qui laisse libre voie aux antivaleurs conduisant \u00e0 l\u2019effondrement de l\u2019\u00c9tat.<\/p>\n<p>&#8211; La repr\u00e9sentation des leaders accept\u00e9s et ayant la confiance de l\u2019\u00e9lectorat dans les structures de l\u2019\u00c9tat accro\u00eetrait la repr\u00e9sentativit\u00e9 (g\u00e9opolitique) et la l\u00e9gitimit\u00e9 de celles-ci, et emp\u00eacherait aux leaders politiques de mener leur combat au nom de l\u2019ethnie, de la langue, etc. De cette fa\u00e7on, le leadership politique serait s\u00e9par\u00e9 du leadership ethnique\/linguistique pour att\u00e9nuer les tensions et les conflits au sein de l\u2019\u00c9tat.<\/p>\n[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][vc_column width=\u00a0\u00bb1\/2&Prime;][vc_column_text]<span class=\"su-highlight\" style=\"background:#ffffff;color:#970000\">&nbsp;<a href=\"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/nap_75_toure-maliaka.pdf\"><strong>TELECHARGEZ LA NOTE D&rsquo;ANALYSE EN PDF<\/strong><\/a>&nbsp;<\/span>\n<div class=\"su-document su-u-responsive-media-yes\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" src=\"\/\/docs.google.com\/viewer?embedded=true&url=https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/nap_75_toure-maliaka.pdf\" width=\"300\" height=\"500\" class=\"su-document\" title=\"\"><\/iframe><\/div>[\/vc_column_text][\/vc_column][\/vc_row]\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>[vc_row padding=\u00a0\u00bb0&Prime;][vc_column width=\u00a0\u00bb1\/2&Prime;][vc_column_text]Par Tour\u00e9 Maliaka Sefu R\u00c9SUM\u00c9: Cette note d\u2019analyse politique examine le poids et\/ ou la charge du clivage linguistique MUSWAHILI-MUNGALA soumis \u00e0 la g\u00e9opolitique d\u2019un peuple pourtant uni de la r\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique Congo sur l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Elle essaie en outre de v\u00e9rifier la conception de ce clivage comme un [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":6967,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[37,391,34],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-6966","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-mediation","category-jeunesse-citoyennete","category-analyse-politique"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.3 - https:\/\/yoast.com\/product\/yoast-seo-wordpress\/ -->\n<title>Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"fr_FR\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"[vc_row padding=\u00a0\u00bb0&Prime;][vc_column width=\u00a0\u00bb1\/2&Prime;][vc_column_text]Par Tour\u00e9 Maliaka Sefu R\u00c9SUM\u00c9: Cette note d\u2019analyse politique examine le poids et\/ ou la charge du clivage linguistique MUSWAHILI-MUNGALA soumis \u00e0 la g\u00e9opolitique d\u2019un peuple pourtant uni de la r\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique Congo sur l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Elle essaie en outre de v\u00e9rifier la conception de ce clivage comme un [&hellip;]\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:url\" content=\"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:site_name\" content=\"Thinking Africa\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:published_time\" content=\"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"article:modified_time\" content=\"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:image\" content=\"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:width\" content=\"800\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:height\" content=\"533\" \/>\n\t<meta property=\"og:image:type\" content=\"image\/jpeg\" \/>\n<meta name=\"author\" content=\"TA\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:card\" content=\"summary_large_image\" \/>\n<meta name=\"twitter:label1\" content=\"\u00c9crit par\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data1\" content=\"TA\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:label2\" content=\"Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e\" \/>\n\t<meta name=\"twitter:data2\" content=\"2 minutes\" \/>\n<script type=\"application\/ld+json\" class=\"yoast-schema-graph\">{\"@context\":\"https:\\\/\\\/schema.org\",\"@graph\":[{\"@type\":\"Article\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#article\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/\"},\"author\":{\"name\":\"TA\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4\"},\"headline\":\"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00\",\"mainEntityOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/\"},\"wordCount\":507,\"commentCount\":0,\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2019\\\/07\\\/rdc.jpg\",\"articleSection\":[\"Conflits, droits &amp; justice\",\"Jeunesse, mouvements citoyens &amp; renouveau d\u00e9mocratique\",\"Note d'analyse politique\"],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"CommentAction\",\"name\":\"Comment\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#respond\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"WebPage\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/\",\"name\":\"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa\",\"isPartOf\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/#website\"},\"primaryImageOfPage\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"image\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#primaryimage\"},\"thumbnailUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2019\\\/07\\\/rdc.jpg\",\"datePublished\":\"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00\",\"dateModified\":\"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00\",\"author\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4\"},\"breadcrumb\":{\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#breadcrumb\"},\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"ReadAction\",\"target\":[\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/\"]}]},{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#primaryimage\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2019\\\/07\\\/rdc.jpg\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/wp-content\\\/uploads\\\/2019\\\/07\\\/rdc.jpg\",\"width\":800,\"height\":533},{\"@type\":\"BreadcrumbList\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\\\/#breadcrumb\",\"itemListElement\":[{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":1,\"name\":\"Accueil\",\"item\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/\"},{\"@type\":\"ListItem\",\"position\":2,\"name\":\"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux\"}]},{\"@type\":\"WebSite\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/#website\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/\",\"name\":\"Thinking Africa\",\"description\":\"Recherche, r\u00e9flexions et ressources pour r\u00e9inventer le leadership africain\",\"potentialAction\":[{\"@type\":\"SearchAction\",\"target\":{\"@type\":\"EntryPoint\",\"urlTemplate\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/?s={search_term_string}\"},\"query-input\":{\"@type\":\"PropertyValueSpecification\",\"valueRequired\":true,\"valueName\":\"search_term_string\"}}],\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\"},{\"@type\":\"Person\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/#\\\/schema\\\/person\\\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4\",\"name\":\"TA\",\"image\":{\"@type\":\"ImageObject\",\"inLanguage\":\"fr-FR\",\"@id\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"contentUrl\":\"https:\\\/\\\/secure.gravatar.com\\\/avatar\\\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g\",\"caption\":\"TA\"},\"description\":\"Thinking Africa est un institut de recherche et d'enseignement sur la paix. R\u00e9seau de jeunes chercheurs, d\u2019universitaires confirm\u00e9s et d\u2019experts, Thinking Africa offre, aux institutions, aux gouvernements, aux soci\u00e9t\u00e9s civiles, et aux organisations, des analyses et recommandations pour vivre la paix sur le continent africain.\",\"url\":\"https:\\\/\\\/www.thinkingafrica.org\\\/V2\\\/author\\\/admin\\\/\"}]}<\/script>\n<!-- \/ Yoast SEO plugin. -->","yoast_head_json":{"title":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa","robots":{"index":"index","follow":"follow","max-snippet":"max-snippet:-1","max-image-preview":"max-image-preview:large","max-video-preview":"max-video-preview:-1"},"canonical":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/","og_locale":"fr_FR","og_type":"article","og_title":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa","og_description":"[vc_row padding=\u00a0\u00bb0&Prime;][vc_column width=\u00a0\u00bb1\/2&Prime;][vc_column_text]Par Tour\u00e9 Maliaka Sefu R\u00c9SUM\u00c9: Cette note d\u2019analyse politique examine le poids et\/ ou la charge du clivage linguistique MUSWAHILI-MUNGALA soumis \u00e0 la g\u00e9opolitique d\u2019un peuple pourtant uni de la r\u00e9publique d\u00e9mocratique Congo sur l\u2019\u00e9lection du Pr\u00e9sident de la R\u00e9publique. Elle essaie en outre de v\u00e9rifier la conception de ce clivage comme un [&hellip;]","og_url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/","og_site_name":"Thinking Africa","article_published_time":"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00","article_modified_time":"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00","og_image":[{"width":800,"height":533,"url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg","type":"image\/jpeg"}],"author":"TA","twitter_card":"summary_large_image","twitter_misc":{"\u00c9crit par":"TA","Dur\u00e9e de lecture estim\u00e9e":"2 minutes"},"schema":{"@context":"https:\/\/schema.org","@graph":[{"@type":"Article","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#article","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/"},"author":{"name":"TA","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/#\/schema\/person\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4"},"headline":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux","datePublished":"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00","dateModified":"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00","mainEntityOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/"},"wordCount":507,"commentCount":0,"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg","articleSection":["Conflits, droits &amp; justice","Jeunesse, mouvements citoyens &amp; renouveau d\u00e9mocratique","Note d'analyse politique"],"inLanguage":"fr-FR","potentialAction":[{"@type":"CommentAction","name":"Comment","target":["https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#respond"]}]},{"@type":"WebPage","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/","url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/","name":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux - Thinking Africa","isPartOf":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/#website"},"primaryImageOfPage":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#primaryimage"},"image":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#primaryimage"},"thumbnailUrl":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg","datePublished":"2019-07-24T21:26:17+00:00","dateModified":"2021-05-25T13:53:56+00:00","author":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/#\/schema\/person\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4"},"breadcrumb":{"@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#breadcrumb"},"inLanguage":"fr-FR","potentialAction":[{"@type":"ReadAction","target":["https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/"]}]},{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"fr-FR","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#primaryimage","url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg","contentUrl":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-content\/uploads\/2019\/07\/rdc.jpg","width":800,"height":533},{"@type":"BreadcrumbList","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/clivage-linguistique-et-scrutin-presidentiel-au-congo-kinshasa\/#breadcrumb","itemListElement":[{"@type":"ListItem","position":1,"name":"Accueil","item":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/"},{"@type":"ListItem","position":2,"name":"Clivage linguistique et scrutin pr\u00e9sidentiel au Congo-Kinshasa : Une analyse comparative des 3 derniers cycles \u00e9lectoraux"}]},{"@type":"WebSite","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/#website","url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/","name":"Thinking Africa","description":"Recherche, r\u00e9flexions et ressources pour r\u00e9inventer le leadership africain","potentialAction":[{"@type":"SearchAction","target":{"@type":"EntryPoint","urlTemplate":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/?s={search_term_string}"},"query-input":{"@type":"PropertyValueSpecification","valueRequired":true,"valueName":"search_term_string"}}],"inLanguage":"fr-FR"},{"@type":"Person","@id":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/#\/schema\/person\/d43605ef0d5681c1b27a4ba1fede1cf4","name":"TA","image":{"@type":"ImageObject","inLanguage":"fr-FR","@id":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g","url":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g","contentUrl":"https:\/\/secure.gravatar.com\/avatar\/6c005dccdd1d09c481deffc8260557ebd4ca64fcb9b827c2d0426e626336abdf?s=96&d=mm&r=g","caption":"TA"},"description":"Thinking Africa est un institut de recherche et d'enseignement sur la paix. R\u00e9seau de jeunes chercheurs, d\u2019universitaires confirm\u00e9s et d\u2019experts, Thinking Africa offre, aux institutions, aux gouvernements, aux soci\u00e9t\u00e9s civiles, et aux organisations, des analyses et recommandations pour vivre la paix sur le continent africain.","url":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/author\/admin\/"}]}},"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6966","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/1"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=6966"}],"version-history":[{"count":3,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6966\/revisions"}],"predecessor-version":[{"id":7895,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/6966\/revisions\/7895"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/6967"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=6966"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=6966"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/www.thinkingafrica.org\/V2\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=6966"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}